Photo: Kate Holt/IRIN. Food distribution organized by WFP in Mogadishu, Somalia
Source: IRIN
LONDON, 2 May 2012 (IRIN) - The phenomenon of ‘shrinking humanitarian
space’ is earnestly debated by aid workers. The often-heard complaint is
that neutrality and independence is increasingly compromised by donors,
peacekeepers and warring parties seeking to to co-opt them, and they
blame the growing toll of attacks on agency staff on the perception that
they are no longer impartial.
Now two researchers from the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) in
London have waded into the debate, challenging the whole idea of
‘humanitarian space’ as the agencies define it, and criticising the lack
of historical perspective of those who believe there was ever a
humanitarian golden age, when neutrality was respected and agencies
could work in conflict zones free of political considerations.
In their paper, Humanitarian Space: a Review of Trends and Issues,
Sarah Collinson and Samir Elhawary do not deny that the total number of
attacks on aid workers has increased. But they argue that the number of
aid workers, and the scale of their operations have also increased –
massively – in recent years. More than 200,000 field-based aid workers
are now estimated to be employed by the UN and international NGOs, and
it is not clear that they are proportionately more at risk than their
far less numerous predecessors.
Agencies also now consider it normal to expect to be able to work in
areas of conflict and have their neutrality respected. That was not
always the case. In the 1950s and 60s, respect for national sovereignty
kept UN agencies out of countries affected by war, and the refugee
agency UNHCR only worked with people who had already left their
homeland. In the 1970s, idealistic new NGOs defied sovereign governments
and worked with rebel groups to help the oppressed.
In the 1990s international peacekeeping efforts became more assertive
and interventionist, but, say Collinson and Elhawary, “many aid agencies
accepted the need for ‘coherence’ between humanitarian and diplomatic
and security agendas as long as they trusted the basic humanitarian
intent of the main donor governments.” It was only after the 9/11
attacks in the US, little more than 10 years ago, that agencies got
concerned about being co-opted into the much more explicit security
agenda of the so-called Global War on Terror.
“Humanitarian space is generally understood as a space that exists
separate from politics,” Elhawary told an audience at the ODI this week,
“and that to reverse politicisation we need to return to a clear, solid
and predictable model, namely that by upholding these principles, and
remaining outside of politics, an agency’s access will be guaranteed.
But all access is essentially based on political compromise and results
from the interplay of a range of actors’ interests and actions…We
undertook a brief historical review since the cold war, and we found no
past golden age for humanitarian action.”
The authors also criticise the way major international agencies use the
term ‘humanitarian space’, when what they are actually talking about is
agency space, space in which they – the UN and major NGOs - can operate
as they wish, disregarding the fact that the situation may be very
different for other actors doing humanitarian work, or for local people
at risk.
In the audience at the launch of the report were people from the very agencies in its firing line.
Marc Dubois, executive director of Medecins Sans Frontieres-UK, conceded
there could be merit in looking at humanitarian space in more
realpolitik terms, where you negotiate, buy or elbow your way to get
what you need. “It’s about understanding interests; it’s about
understanding the power play on the ground. And it’s about understanding
that while the principles do have meaning, they only have meaning
within a given context.”
How that might work in practice was indicated by Brian Martin, until
recently the country manager in Sri Lanka for Christian Aid. “In each
case you need to look at the contextual side of it,” he told the
meeting, “and you’ve got to look at ‘what can I do and what can’t I do.’
I was amazed at some of my colleagues’ arrogance in the way they wanted
to do things, and the reluctance they would have to speak to the
authorities or to the military…There is a great need to engage and talk
with the authorities and get them to agree. Some things you are not
going to get. But in Sri Lanka we worked with the military, and the
further we were away from Colombo, up in the north, the military were
actually doing quite a lot of good things to help the population.”
Participants with longer memories welcomed the report’s historical
perspective. “I think we need to understand how we got into this
discourse in the first place,” said Jeff Crisp, the Head of Policy,
Development and Evaluation at UNHCR. “And I think it says something
about humanitarian policy research in that it has always been totally
a-historical…We have to get away from the situation where we are only
concerned with what’s happening today and tomorrow.”
But there was a word of warning from Dubois. The neutrality of
humanitarian space and ideal of the aid worker standing apart from
politics might be a myth, but he said: “I think that this notion of
agency space as humanitarian space has a lot to do with our identity and
the myths that we have about ourselves that are very, very important to
the way we run, our culture, our drive and dedication. And I worry
about an organisation where everyone is a political animal.”