Photo: Gretchen Wilson/IRIN. The streets of Maseru are lined with Chinese-run shops and restaurants (file photo)
Source: IRIN
JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA, 7 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the
last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa,
opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in
countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on
their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out
of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign
traders.
In Malawi, Chinese-owned shops and restaurants have proliferated since
the country established diplomatic ties with China in 2007. But the
government was recently prompted by bitter complaints from local
business owners to introduce legislation preventing foreign traders from
operating outside of major cities.
The new law has mainly targeted Chinese traders, many of whom are now
being forced to shutter their businesses in rural areas and to apply to
the Ministry of Industry and Trade for business licenses to operate in
Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu or Zomba - the country’s four major cities.
“They can operate in rural areas when they are in production and big
business, not doing petty trading,” Malawi Minister of Industry and
Trade John Bande told IRIN, adding that the government would continue
passing legislation that encouraged serious foreign investment “to the
benefit of Malawians”.
But human rights groups have described the legislation as xenophobic,
and consumers like Arnold Mwenefumbo, from Karonga District in northern
Malawi, complain that forcing out the Chinese traders will mean paying
much higher prices for products sold by Malawians and other African
nations.
“[The Chinese] were also employing our son and daughters,” said Mwenefumbo.
Lesotho
In Lesotho, a tiny land-locked country facing high rates of poverty and
unemployment, the relatively recent appearance of thousands of foreign,
mostly Chinese-owned, businesses has generated similar resentment from
local business owners, but little government intervention.
Before the mid-1990s, Makhabane Theko ran a successful retail business
in the capital, Maseru, but now leases his building to the same Chinese
traders who he says pushed him out of business. “It’s difficult to
compete against the foreign investors, especially the Chinese. You sell
500g of sugar for 8.00 maloti (US$1.4) and they will sell it for a price
that is almost half that,” he told IRIN.
Stories like Theko's are common. Although the exact number of Chinese in
Lesotho is unknown, estimates range between 10,000 and 20,000, or up to
1 percent of Lesotho’s population of 1.9 million, according to a recent
report released by the Brenthurst Foundation. “Business is good here,”
said one Chinese trader.
Unlike neighbouring South Africa, which has a long history of Chinese
migration and Chinese-run businesses, Lesotho has traditionally been a
country of out-migration and has little experience with immigrants.
National legislation limits ownership of small businesses to Basotho
citizens, but the government has largely turned a blind eye to corrupt
practices allowing Chinese migrants to purchase trading licenses or even
national identity documents.
“Chinese are now selling makoenya [fat cakes], loose cigarettes, even
beer at retail prices, but their business category forbids them from
doing so,” said a street vendor who sells cigarettes in Maseru.
Yoon Jung Park, coordinator of the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China
(CA/AC) International Research Working Group, has conducted research on
perceptions of Chinese in southern Africa. She noted that small
countries with struggling economies like Lesotho are seeing funding from
Western donors dwindling; many may view Chinese investment as their
next best hope. This is reflected in the lack of government action to
regulate the proliferation of small Chinese-run businesses.
“I think there’s a link between official ties [with China] and the
messages that get filtered down to people, especially in these small
countries that are desperate for foreign aid, that the Chinese are the
great hope and we need to be nice to them,” she told IRIN.
Many complain that the Chinese add little to the local economy because
they send all of their money home, but according to Park, few Chinese
migrants in Lesotho send remittances home. Instead, they spend their
first two or three years in the country repaying loans, and then they
tend to reinvest in their businesses. Most also employ at least one
local to interact with customers.
They keep their prices as low as possible by buying from other Chinese
(often at a slight discount), forming cooperatives to make bulk
purchases and focusing on rapid turnover rather than high profit
margins. Rumours that the more unscrupulous also engage in under-handed
practices like re-packaging expired food and removing a few ounces from
bags of flour and sugar before resealing them may also be true in some
cases, said Park.
“Profit margins are so narrow, that they probably do resort to some of
those things. And government in Lesotho isn’t doing enough to prevent
them,” she commented.
In the run-up to Lesotho’s general elections in June, several political
parties indicated their intention to expel foreign traders from the
country, but apart from several raids on Chinese supermarkets said to be
selling expired meat, no action has been taken to prevent them from
operating.
Zambia
Zambia’s open-door investment policy has seen hundreds of Asian migrants
setting up businesses in the country in recent years, but locals
employed by them complain about low wages.
“Yes, they are giving us jobs, but these are not jobs to help us
[improve our lives]. They are jobs to help them make more money. I am
paid 350,000 kwacha [US$70] every month, and what can you do with that
amount? It is like my salary just goes for transport to come here and go
home,” said Melinda Daka, a shop worker in a Chinese-owned business in
Kamwala, Lusaka’s upmarket trading area.
“Zambian employers pay much better, but they are very few, and they only
employ very few people… So, there is nothing we can do but work for
these same people [foreigners].”
In July, the Zambian government increased the monthly minimum wage
for shop workers and other general workers, from $80 to $220, but
employers are reluctant to pay the new salaries, saying they could make
the cost of business unsustainable.
Positive relations
But negative attitudes toward Chinese traders are not uniform throughout
the region. In countries such as South Africa and Swaziland, where
Chinese migrants arrived several generations ago and now run businesses
that fill gaps in the market without competing with locals, relations
have remained fairly good.
Park's research in Zimbabwe found that during that country's severe
economic crisis, consumers were grateful to Chinese traders for getting
goods into the country when no one else could. "They said that if it
hadn’t been for them, they wouldn’t have been able to send their kids to
school with basic supplies. They helped them survive the crisis," she
told IRIN.
However, in countries with struggling economies, the arrival of large
numbers of entrepreneurial Chinese migrants combined with a lack of
enforcement of laws and regulations have fuelled tense relations with
locals.
"Oftentimes, they know it’s not the fault of the Chinese. They respect
them for their work ethic, but they’re angry that the government is
allowing them to do some of the things they do," said Park.