Photo: Ashraf Khan/IRIN. Waiting for better municipal government – garbage piles up in western Karachi
Source: IRIN
KARACHI, 4 December 2012 (IRIN) - A new local government law is causing
tension, protests and fresh violence in Pakistan’s mega-city of Karachi
and elsewhere in Sindh Province.
Passed in five minutes by the Sindh Provincial Assembly, the Sindh
Peoples Local Bodies Ordinance (SPLGO) envisages a reorganization of
local government, and has led to violent protests that have put local
government work on hold: rubbish is piling up on the sweltering streets
of Karachi, and overflowing sewage pipes are not being repaired.
Protests by different Sindh nationalists under the umbrella of Sindh
Bachao Tehreek (Protect Sindh Movement), which began in September, have
seen strikes outside the main cities.
Vehicles have been smashed; trucks, buses and tyres have been burned; and several protests have let to violent clashes.
In the worst incident in October, unidentified gunmen opened fire on a
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) rally in Khairpur in support of the law,
killing seven people.
IRIN has recently reported on sectarian killings in Karachi, a fragile water supply system and educational woes, and now looks at why the new act is making waves.
Who is opposed to the law?
Opposition politicians, mainly from Sindh nationalist parties, say SPLGO
is an attempt to undermine the sovereignty of the Sindh provincial
authorities.
Some 60 percent of the province’s population is estimated to be Sindhi, with the rest mainly Urdu-speakers.
“We believe that whoever is the supporter of the [SPLGO] law, he or she
is the traitor of Sindh,” Ayaz Palejo, chief of Awami Tehreek, told
IRIN. Palejo heads the Sindhi Nationalist Party, and leads an alliance
of nationalist parties.
“This is a conspiracy to divide Sindh,” he said. “We will not sit idle unless it [the law] is reverted.”
What’s the purpose of the law?
Those in favour of the law, say it will create more accountable local
government councils leading to better services for ordinary people.
“Even getting a birth certificate we have to run pillar to post, as
officialdom is so corrupt and inefficient,” said Zahoor Ahmed, a street
hawker who sells vegetables in a middle class neighbourhood of Karachi.
“But it is easier for us to push an elected councillor… and he is easily accessible to us,” Ahmed, 50, told IRIN.
Currently, local government is struggling to provide even basic health and sanitation services.
An acrid stench has been emanating from piles of rubbish beside
Karachi’s famous Urdu Bazar for weeks now, as the municipal authorities
have not had sufficient funds to buy fuel for the trucks which normally
collect garbage.
“We’ve offered bribes to an official in the area but he turned down our
offer and we have to endure this for weeks,” a local shopkeeper told
IRIN.
But Sindhi nationalist parties say the real purpose of the act is
political - to help out the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM - currently
the fourth largest party and a key ally of PPP), which draws its support
from urban Sindh.
A committee comprising elected representatives from PPP and MQM in the
regional parliament aims to transfer resources and power from the
provincial government to lower levels of authority.
“This concept in not unique in Pakistan; decentralization is a global
phenomenon that ensures more effective and efficient service delivery,”
said Mustafa Kamal, who served as Karachi’s mayor from 2005 to 2010.
SPLGO transfers almost all services - including education, health,
water, roads, sewerage and sanitation, fire services, parks and
playgrounds, culture and sports, and street services to the city,
district, town or even `tehsil’ (smaller than town) authorities - from
the provincial, to lower levels.
The law creates new “metropolitan corporations” in Karachi, Sukkur,
Hyderabad, Larkana, Mirpurkhas, and Khairpur. (Previously only Karachi
and Hyderabad had such status). The remaining areas of Sindh come under
25 district councils.
Why are Sindh nationalists worried?
The major concern of Sindh nationalists is that the system of
metropolitan corporations and district councils effectively divides the
province in two.
The move is seen as a PPP concession to MQM; the two parties are
presumed to be planning to fight the 2013 general election (no date
fixed yet) together, and are likely to control the metropolitan
corporations, allowing them to effectively control urban parts of the
province.
The newly-allied 18-member opposition in the 167-member provincial
assembly is concerned that the law will divide the province’s Sindh- and
Urdu-speaking residents.
The Sindhi nationalists distrust the new law: “We are not able to
understand the criteria of declaring a city as metropolitan,” said Qadir
Magsi, a doctor who heads Jeaye Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party (STPP), one
of the leading Sindh nationalist parties.
“It is not clear whether the level of urbanization or the size of
population were the basis,” said Magsi, who also queried the new status
of Khairpur, the home town of chief minister Qaim Ali Shah.
Other nationalists question the redrawing of Karachi’s city boundaries,
which they believe would benefit MQM, the urban rival of the rural-based
nationalist parties.
“The division of Karachi reflects bigotry and it is designed to
outnumber the Sindh and Balochi population in the electoral
constituency,” said Zamir Ghumro, who is leading an alliance of Sindh
nationalist parties called the Sindh Dost Rabbita Council.
“So this is a clear plot to divide urban and rural Sindh which we would not tolerate,” Ghumro said.
However, one of the conceivers of the original law in the Musharraf era
disagrees. “The municipal system throughout the province is almost the
same and uniform, and there is no duality I see in the new law,” said
Daniyal Aziz, a technocrat who served as chairman of the National
Reconstruction Bureau in the Musharraf regime, and a staunch supporter
of local government.