Photo: Andrew Green/IRIN. The victims of failed peace talks: Nyalada Maliut, widowed mother of seven, was shot three times when one of the frontlines passed through her rural home
Source: IRIN
Expectations were low after more than a year of catastrophic conflict in
South Sudan and many failed peace deals, but even so, some analysts and
activists say they are disappointed at how little this weekend’s talks
achieved.
On 1 February, South Sudan President Salva Kiir and vice-president
turned rebel leader Riek Machar signed a document in the Ethiopian
capital Addis Ababa on “Areas of Agreement”
for a future transitional government of national unity, after a power
struggle between the two men tore the newly born South Sudan apart. They
recommitted themselves to an existing, frequently violated cessation of
hostilities, and promised to sign a permanent ceasefire, but only after
a final agreement was reached.
The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional
body that has led - with little success - efforts to end the civil war
that erupted just two years after South Sudan’s independence, described the deal as an important step towards a comprehensive peace agreement to be signed later this month.
But others were much more sceptical.
“Nothing substantial has come out of this round of talks,” Peter Biar
Ajak, director of the Centre for Strategic Analysis and Research in the
South Sudanese capital Juba, told IRIN.
The two parties “did not agree on the fundamental issue, the
structure of government that will bring an end to the conflict,” he
said.
Since it escalated from a split within the ruling Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement (SPLM) in December 2013, the conflict has claimed
thousands of lives and forced around two million people to flee their
homes.
The two parties arrived in Addis expecting to resume faltering
negotiations over a particular power-sharing structure that included a
post of prime minister, earmarked for Machar, Ajak explained.
Instead, IGAD presented them with a very different governance blueprint
which had not been discussed previously: one comprising a president, a
first vice-president and a vice-president. The relative powers of these
last two positions led to unresolved disagreements.
“Both Juba and the rebels had serious problems with the [new] structure,” said Ajak.
Asked if the latest signing would bring an end to the war any closer, he
said, “I don’t think so. Even yesterday there were reports of fighting
in Unity State.”
“What happened in Addis was a series of missed opportunities, largely
due to the incompetence coming out of the mediating teams,” he said.
A spokesman for the rebels, officially referred to as the SPLM-In Opposition, lent credence to Ajak’s scepticism.
“The agreement has only outlined the mandate of the would-be
transitional government of national unity. The document does not carry
any agreement on leadership structure and power-sharing ratios,”
Machar’s spokesman, James Gatdet Dak, told the Sudan Tribune.
“This transitional government would be formed by 9 July 2015 if a
final peace agreement is signed. There are however many issues pending
for further negotiations before a final peace agreement,” he said.
These negotiations are due to resume on 19 February, with a deadline of 5
March established for finalizing a power-sharing agreement.
Further criticism of the Addis Ababa talks came from the Enough Project.
Instead of being a turning point, South Sudan policy analyst Justine
Fleischner said in a statement, the outcome shows that “IGAD has reached
another non-agreement.”
“The bottom line is that in the absence of the promised regime of
regional travel bans and asset freezes, the warring parties see no
reason to adjust their behavior. IGAD's unwillingness to impose
sanctions is in part due to competing regional economic interests and
business ties. Meanwhile, the cost of war is being paid by the people of
South Sudan,” she added.
Ajak was less pessimistic, pointing out that the near collapse of South
Sudan’s economy had greatly undermined the business interests there of
IGAD member states Kenya and Uganda and other neighbouring countries.
Previous talks held on 21 January in the Tanzanian city of Arusha - the
most recent in a long list of sub-deals signed over recent months, many
of which went on to be broken - garnered similar criticism.
The Sudd Institute, a Juba-based think tank, noted
the “apparent disconnect” between the political opposition who signed
the agreement and “the military commanders of its armed wing.”
Another concern reinforced by the latest talks in Addis is that the
desire to secure a lasting peace agreement and keep Kiir and Machar
engaged will further delay the release of the African Union’s Commission
of Inquiry report on South Sudan (AUCISS).
This had been scheduled to be presented to heads of state at a meeting
of the AU’s Peace and Security Council on 29 January. But, according to
an account by
South Sudan Law Society Research Director David Deng, the chairman of
IGAD, Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, successfully moved
to delay publication until peace had been achieved, so as not to
jeopardize the IGAD process.
The “decision not to publish the AUCISS report casts doubt on the
prospects for justice and accountability in South Sudan. It also raises
questions as to whether the AU and IGAD are genuinely committed to
ending the impunity that they themselves acknowledge to be a driver of
violence in the country,” Deng wrote in the African Arguments website.
“Withholding the AUCISS report may actually serve to embolden
perpetrators of mass human rights violations, who already feel as though
they are untouchable and can act with impunity,” he warned.
“The last year has witnessed a string of agreements to cease
hostilities, all of which were violated days or hours after signing.
Twenty percent of the population has been displaced, an untold number of
people have been killed and relationships among communities are at an
all-time low,” he wrote.
“The warring parties continue to pursue military victory at all costs
and civilians are bearing the brunt of the conflict. To the extent that
it may sometimes be necessary to delay justice in the interest of first
consolidating peace, the IGAD-led peace process is not demonstrating
enough progress to make that sacrifice,” he concluded.